Sabtu, 15 September 2012

Ahli Parlimen Kota Belud

Ahli Parlimen Kota Belud

Anak Sabah, Jiwa Malaysia

Posted: 15 Sep 2012 11:41 AM PDT





Di sebalik beberapa lukisan yang menghiasi dinding kediaman saya, ada satu yang kerap mencuri perhatian. Lukisan hitam putih itu menampilkan imej detik bersejarah 16 September 1963. Bintangnya adalah tiga bapa kemerdekaan – Tun Fuad Stephens, Tun Datu Mustapha Harun dan Tun Abdul Razak Hussein – berdiri seiring di podium di Kota Kinabalu bagi menyambut kelahiran negara dinamakan Malaysia.

Pada tarikh keramat itu, ribuan rakyat Sabah asyik mendengar Tun Fuad Stephens (ketika itu dikenali sebagai Donald Stephens) membacakan skrol Pengisytiharan Malaysia. 

Bagaimanapun, ada sedikit suntikan elemen luar realiti atau surreal di lukisan itu. Imej seorang remaja lelaki berpakaian `hip hop' berwarna-warni dan melakukan aksi tarian `breakdance' diselit bersebelahan ketiga-tiga tokoh itu.

Jika diteliti, anda boleh melihat pandangan penuh kecurigaan di wajah tiga Tun itu terhadap remaja lelaki berkenaan – bimbangkan generasi masa depan Malaysia mungkin tidak memahami pengertian sebenar kemerdekaan negara.

Hari ini, terjemahan remaja lelaki itu mungkin boleh dikaitkan dengan sesiapa saja di kalangan kita hari ini. Sebagai contoh, ada golongan tertentu di Sabah mendakwa Sabah sepatutnya menjadi satu daripada empat bahagian (bukan satu daripada 14 negeri) dalam Persekutuan Malaysia. Mereka mendakwa Sabah ditipu sejak 49 tahun lalu dan tuduhan ini adalah sangat serius.

Benarkah begitu? Kita mulakan dengan mengkaji dokumen sejarah berkaitan pembentukan Malaysia yang merangkumi:

. 
* Dokumen 20 Perkara 
* Laporan Jawatankuasa Perundingan Perpaduan Malaysia
* Laporan Suruhanjaya Cobbold
* Laporan Jawatankuasa Antara Kerajaan
* Laporan Hansard (berhubung perbahasan Malaysia di Parlimen Malaya dan British)
* Perjanjian Malaysia 1963; dan 
* Dokumen Pengisytiharan Malaysia. 

Semua dokumen ini dan autobiografi Tunku Abdul Rahman serta Lee Kuan Yew memberi kita gambaran lebih jelas terhadap keadaan yang membawa kepada pembentukan Malaysia pada 1963. Semuanya menceritakan suasana di Asia Tenggara sekitar tahun 1950-an dan 1960-an, terutama dari segi keselamatan dan ketidaktentuan masa depan dihadapi pemimpin waktu itu.

Saya sertakan petikan dokumen dan perjanjian berkenaan. Nilaikan sendiri setakat mana kebenaran hujah kononnya Sabah patut menjadi satu daripada ahli empat entiti Persekutuan Malaysia.



Perjanjian Malaysia 

Artikel I perjanjian mengesahkan kedudukan Sabah dalam Malaysia. Ia menyebut (terjemahan):,

"Koloni Borneo Utara dan Sarawak dan Singapura akan bersatu dengan Negeri-Negeri Persekutuan Malaya ... akan dikenali sebagai "Malaysia" selepas ini.

Pengisytiharan Malaysia 

Perenggan terakhir Pengisytiharan Malaysia (yang dibaca Donald Stephens pada pagi 16 September 1963) menyebut (terjemahan):

"... bahawa Malaysia merangkumi Negeri Pahang, Terengganu, Kedah, Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Kelantan, Selangor, Perak, Perlis, Pulau Pinang, Melaka, Singapura, Sabah dan Sarawak akan selama-lamanya menjadi Negara bebas dan berdaulat selepas dibentuk atas dasar kebebasan dan keadilan, dengan izin Tuhan Pencipta Seluruh Alam,"


Laporan Jawatankuasa Antara Kerajaan

Laporan Jawatankuasa Antara Kerajaan yang ditubuhkan bagi merangka aturan Perlembagaan Malaysia, jelas menyatakan kedudukan Sabah sebagai sebahagian daripada Persekutuan menerusi perincian 10 Bab II (Pembentukan Persekutuan Malaysia) (terjemahan):

"Persekutuan ini merangkumi Negeri sedia ada dalam Persekutuan Malaya, Sabah (ketika ini dikenali sebagai Borneo Utara), Sarawak dan Singapura. Persekutuan ini akan dikenali sebagai Malaysia."


Perjanjian Malaysia 1963

Seksyen 4, Bahagian II (Negeri-Negeri Persekutuan) menyebut (terjemahan):

"… bahawa Persekutuan ini akan dikenali dengan nama Malaysia, dalam bahasa Melayu dan Inggeris. Negeri-Negeri Persekutuan ialah - (a) negeri-negeri dalam Malaya, iaitu Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Pahang, Pulau Pinang,  Perak, Perlis, Selangor dan Terengganu; dan (b) Negeri-Negeri Borneo iaitu Sabah dan Sarawak; dan (c) Singapura.


Sebagai Ahli Parlimen dari Sabah, saya bersetuju jika Sabah menjadi satu daripada empat bahagian Malaysia tetapi dokumen di atas menyatakan sebaliknya. Kita tidak boleh menafikan sejarah yang dibincang, dirangka dan ditandatangani bersama oleh pemimpin Sabah waktu itu.


Dari segi keahlian, kedudukan Sabah sama seperti negeri lain di Semenanjung. Bagaimanapun, Sabah memiliki kedudukan khusus atau autonomi sendiri seperti dinyatakan dalam Perlembangaan dan tidak dimiliki negeri lain kecuali Sarawak. Imigresen berada di bawah kuasa Kerajaan Negeri dan Sabah dibenar meneruskan sistem Kabinet yang antara lain berkuasa terhadap sesetengah percukaian dan tanah. Malah, beberapa undang-undang yang diluluskan Parlimen Malaysia tidak boleh dilaksanakan di Sabah tanpa persetujuan kerajaan negeri.

Saya gusar apabila ada pihak Sabah memberi gambaran seolah-olah pemimpin Sabah dipaksa menerima cadangan pembentukan Malaysia walaupun mempunyai pandangan berbeza. Mereka mendakwa, wujud bukti cadangan mewujudkan Malaysia berdepan masalah sejak awal.

Saya akui memang wujud pertelingkahan di kalangan pemimpin Sabah ketika Tunku Abdul Rahman mula melontar idea penubuhan Malaysia. Sebagai contoh, Tun Fuad awalnya agak ragu-ragu dengan idea itu.

Ini boleh difahami memandangkan pemimpin Sabah bakal `menyerahkan' negeri itu menyertai penyatuan agak rumit dan besar kesannya ke atas rakyat Sabah. Bagaimanapun, perbezaan pandangan di kalangan pemimpin Sabah secara perlahan-lahan berubah selepas pelbagai perbincangan, mesyuarat tertutup, lawatan dan rundingan diadakan antara pemimpin utama Malaya, Singapura, Sarawak dan Sabah.  Sebagai contoh, Tun Fuad hampir pasti menerima pembentukan Malaysia. Penerimaan mereka dapat dilihat menerusi beberapa siri perjanjian yang dilaksanakan bagi membentuk Malaysia. Dalam aspek sejarah, itu adalah pengikat paling utama.

Apakah keadaan Sabah akan lebih baik jika bersendirian tanpa menyertai pembentukan Malaysia? Kita mesti adil kepada pemimpin terdahulu sebelum menjawab soalan itu. Bagaimana rasanya berada dalam kedudukan mereka ketika bersama bergerak ke arah pembentukan Malaysia? Soalan ini perlu dijawab berdasarkan apa yang sebenarna berlaku pada 1960-an dan bukannya melihat sejarah daripada perpesktif 2012 ketika negeri dan negara sudah mengecap kemajuan.

Wujud isu ancaman keselamatan sebelum British memberi keizinan bagi Sabah mengecap kemerdekaan. Kerajaan British khuatir aspek keselamatan Sabah bakal tergugat jika Sabah menjadi negara merdeka. Berpaksikan sejarah sebagai penyuluh kebenaran, kebimbangan mereka itu mempunyai asasnya.

Jika dilihat wilayah di sekeliling Sabah, kita perlu mengakui hakikat wujud ketidakstabilan politik di rantau ini manakala keamanan adalah sesuatu yang rapuh pada waktu itu. Kebangkitan komunis di Indo-China berada di kemuncaknya dan keadaan itu nyata membuatkan penduduk Thailand, Malaya dan Singapura dilingkari keresahan. Di timur Sabah, Presiden Filipina, Presiden Macapagal bersungguh-sungguh mempertahankan "tuntutan ke atas Sabah". Filipina turut mengeluarkan ancaman dan secara bersembunyi memberi keizinan bagi tenteranya menceroboh Sabah selepas itu menerusi insiden Pulau Corregidor yang membawa kepada kutukan keras oleh Parlimen Malaysia.

Di selatan Sabah, Presiden Indonesia, Presiden Sukarno turut membangkitkan kemarahannya terhadap rakyat Sabah dan kerajaan Malaya. Berlatarbelakangkan pelbagai ancaman itu, Tun Fuad dan Tun Mustapha menyedari pilihan yang dimiliki amat terhad. Di akhirnya, mereka memilih langkah terbaik iaitu bersatu bagi membentuk entiti lebih besar bergelar Malaysia. 

Bagi mereka, alasannya jelas  - persamaan dan kefahaman terhadap sistem pentadbiran British, proses kehakiman, undang-undang dan perkhidmatan awam di Malaya, Singapura, Sarawak dan Sabah. Dengan menjadi sebahagian daripada entiti lebih besar, Sabah akan memiliki kelebihan ekonomi dalam aspek menarik pelaburan, mengurangkan kos pembangunan, berkongsi perbelanjaan pertahanan dan dengan sendirinya meniti laluan lebih singkat kea rah mencapai pembinaan bangsa.
Masa Depan 

Harus diakui, Persekutuan atau Federalisme bukanlah penyelesaian sempurna buat semua negara. Sampai ke satu tahap, kita pasti berdepan pertikaian terutama dari segi pengagihan pendapatan, dana pembangunan dan dakwaan wujudnya ketidakadilan. Perdebatan ini wujud di semua negara di dunia yang mengamalkan konsep Persekutuan. Bagaimanapun, isu ini boleh dibincang dan didebat bersama secara tertib tanpa perlu mewujudkan polemik yang boleh merosakkan jati diri bangsa.

Ada pihak mendakwa banyak masalah dihadapi sekarang disebabkan oleh konsep Persekutuan. Mereka melonggokkan soal kemiskinan, kekurangan infrastruktur dan pendatang tanpa izin di bahu konsep Persekutuan.

Saya akui rakyat Sabah berhak menyuarakan kebimbangan ini. Bagaimanapun,segala isu ini lebih menjurus kepada dasar dan keutamaan kerajaan. Justeru, kita tidak wajar membiarkan debat penuh emosi mengisi ruang semata-mata untuk menentukan wajarkah Sabah berada dalam Malaysia atau sebaliknya. Dasar dan keutamaan boleh dicabar, didebat dan diperbetulkan mengikut keperluan.

Sebagai rakyat Sabah, pandangan kita perlu melangkaui debat `Sabah untuk Rakyat Sabah' Konsep `Kerajaan Malaya di Putrajaya' hanyalah imaginasi liar pembangkang. Malaysia hanya memiliki satu kerajaan manakala suara setiap kaum dan negeri didengar serta diwakili dengan adil. Perlu diingat, Kabinet Malaysia mempunyai 4 Menteri dan 5 Timbalan Menteri dari Sabah.


Saya lihat, rakyat Sarawak dan Singapura sudah lama melangkah ke depan, enggan bercakaran dalam aspek politik yang memecah-belah walaupun mereka adalah sebahagian daripada Perjanjian Malaysia.

Di Sarawak, persoalan sama ada kemerdekaan disambut pada 31 Ogos atau 16 September bukan isu yang terlalu diperkatakan rakyatnya. Ironinya, Sarawak menyambut kemerdekaan pada  22 Julai 1963.

Sama juga di Singapura. Rakyatnya tidak lagi merungut mengenai Hari Singapura (nama Akta yang diluluskan Parlimen Malaysia untuk menyingkir Singapura dari Malaysia pada 1965). Seperti Sarawak, mereka terus melangkah dan memberi tumpuan untuk membangunkan negara seperti sekarang.

Perdebatan kemerdekaan 49 atau 55 tahun mesti dihentikan segera. Walaupun benar Sabah merdeka 49 tahun lalu, kita tidak boleh menafikan rakyat Malaysia di Semenanjung mengecap kemerdekaan55 tahun lalu.

Mengubah angka kemerdekaan kepada 1963 berbanding 1957 akan membuatkan tiga juta rakyat Sabah gembira tetapi ia akan mengguris perasaan lebih 20 juta rakyat Semenanjung Malaysia yang merdeka sejak 55 tahun lalu. Kita mungkin menyelesaikan satu masalah tetapi masalah lain pula timbul. Itu sebabnya kerajaan mengambil keputusan untuk bersikap diplomatik dalam menyelesaikan perkara ini.

Sebagai contoh, logo rasmi Merdeka 55 tidak mempunyai perkataan `Malaysia'. Bagi saya, itu adalah permulaan yang baik. Mungkin ada eloknya jika Kementerian  Penerangan, Komunikasi dan Kebudayaan menggugurkan terus angkanya untuk menggunakan `Hari Merdeka'. Ini akan membuatkan 28 juta rakyat Malaysia gembira!


Sempena sambutan Hari Malaysia, saya harap setiap rakyat Malaysia – khususnya rakyat Sabah – untuk meneruskan kehidupan. Kita perlu terus memelihara hak perlembagaan Sabah tetapi pada masa sama kita perlu yakin bahawa masa depan Sabah berada di tangan Malaysia, seperti mana masa depan Malaysia kemas dalam genggaman Sabah.

Saya bangga menjadi anak Sabah berjiwa Malaysia. Anda juga sepatutnya begitu.

Selamat Hari Malaysia!


Oleh:
Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan
Ahli Parlimen Kota Belud, Sabah
14 September 2012

Being Sabahan, Feeling Malaysian (Part Three)

Posted: 15 Sep 2012 10:57 AM PDT


Although in terms of membership, Sabah is equal to the other states in the peninsular, Sabah does have its own autonomy as stipulated in the constitution which other states (except Sarawak) do not have. Immigration is under the control of the state government.

Sabah is allowed to continue its cabinet system while some taxation and land matters are still within the state's prerogative. Even certain laws passed in the Malaysian parliament cannot be implemented in Sabah without express consent from the state.

It bothers me when some quarters in Sabah love to give an impression that Malaysia was thrust upon the Sabahan leaders despite their dissenting views. According to them, that was cogent evidence that the idea of Malaysia federation was faulty from the get-go. 

I admit there was earlier dissention among Sabah leaders at the point when Tunku Abdul Rahman first announced the idea of Malaysia. Tun Fuad, for intance, was initially suspicious of it.

This is understandably so since Sabah leaders were about to commit the state into a complicated collaboration of great consequence upon the people of Sabah. But the dissenting views of Sabah leaders slowly changed after extensive consultation, private meetings and intense negotiation were held between the founding fathers of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah. 

Tun Fuad, for example, was clearly inching toward the approval of federation of Malaysia. Their approval was evident in series of agreements, which had been executed to form Malaysia. In so far as history is concerned, the signed agreements what matter the most.

Would Sabah be better off on her own instead of joining Malaysia? In answering that question, we must be fair to our founding fathers. What was it like to be in their shoes at the time when they were pushing for Malaysia? The question must be answered in the context of what actually transpired in the 1960s instead of our penchant of looking at history from our 2012 perspective when the state and the nation are doing fine.


There was the issue of security concern prior to the British consenting to grant Sabah her independence. The British were worried that being independent on her own would seriously undermine Sabah's security. And if history were to be the torch of truth, their fears were not completely unfounded.

If we look at the regions around Sabah back then, we know that this part of the world, at the time, was quite unstable politically and that peace was very fragile commodity. The communist insurgency in Indo-China was gaining momentum and that made the Thais, Malayans and Singaporeans genuinely nervous. To the east of Sabah, President Macapagal of the Philippines was pursuing the "Sabah claim" rather aggressively. The Philippines issued threats and later had secretly sanctioned covert military plans to invade Sabah in the infamous incident of Corregidor island which elicited condemnation by unanimous Malaysian Parliament.

To the south of Sabah, President Soekarno of Indonesia was also increasing his vitriol against Sabahan and Malayan governments. Against this backdrop of threats, Tun Fuad and Tun Mustapha knew they had very little choice. In the end they chose the most sensible thing to do: to merge into a bigger entity called Malaysia which would provide similarities and familiarities in terms of British administration system, judicial process, laws and civil service in Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah. They knew that being part of a bigger entity would give Sabah the advantage of economies of scale in terms of attracting investment, lowering cost of development, sharing the prohibitively expensive defense spending and dramatically cutting short the learning curve of nation building.

The Future

Admittedly, federalism is not some foolproof or completely perfect solution for every nation. There is bound to be points of contention especially on distribution of revenue, development funds and claims of unfair relationship. These debates occur wherever federalism is practiced in any part of the world. But these issues can be debated with decorum without going through such destructive polemic, which along the way inflicting severe damage to the very fiber of our nation's being.

Some go to the extent of to misguidedly attribute current day problems on the concept of federalism. They shift every issue from poverty, lack of infrastructures to illegal immigrants onto the shoulders of federalism.

I do admit that Sabahans have every right to raise these legitimate concerns. Unfortunately, these issues have more to do with policies and priorities of the government. The same should not be allowed to spill over into emotional debate of whether or not Sabah should be a part of Malaysia. Policies and priorities can always be contested, debated and adjusted accordingly.

We Sabahans must look beyond the futile debate of "Sabah for Sabahans" and "Sabah vs. Malaya". The concept of 'Malayan government in Putrajaya' is but a flicker of the opposition's imagination. There is only one Malaysian government where the voices of each race and state are being simultaneously heard and represented. Needless to say, out of the entire current federal cabinet, 4 Ministers and 5 Deputy Ministers are from Sabah.

From my perspective, the Sarawakians and Singaporeans have decided to move on, refusing to split hairs over the polemic of divisive politics even though they were very much part of the Malaysia Agreement before.

In Sarawak, for instance, the question of whether to celebrate independence day on 31st August or 16th September is not something the Sarawakians would dwell much upon. And ironically, Sarawak celebrated her independence on 22nd July 1963.

Similarly, over in Singapore, the people have stopped whining about the fateful day in history called Singapore Day (that is the name of the Act passed by Malaysian Parliament to expel Singapore from Malaysia in 1965). Like Sarawak, they have moved on and concentrated on making Singapore of what it is today.

The debate of 49th vs. 55th year of independence must cease with immediate effect. While it is true that Sabah gained her independence 49 years ago, we cannot deny that our fellow Malaysians in the peninsular had their independence 55 years ago.

Shifting the year of independence to 1963 rather than 1957 would make 3million Sabahans happy, but may in turn slight the feeling of more than 20millions Peninsular Malaysians who gained independence 55 years ago.

We may solve one problem but create another! That is why the government decided to be diplomatic in solving this conundrum. But things have taken a positive turn, for instance, the official logo of 55th Merdeka does not bear the word 'Malaysia'. To me, that is a good start. Perhaps in the future, the Information, Communications and Culture Ministry will drop the contentious reference of base year altogether and instead just use the plain "Hari Merdeka" in its official promotion material. This will make 28 million Malaysians happy!

Lastly, in conjunction with the auspicious Hari Malaysia, I urge all Malaysians -- especially my fellow Sabahans -- to move on. It is undeniable that we must at all times preserve Sabah's constitutional rights, but let us not be clouded by any shadow of doubt that Sabah's future lies firmly with Malaysia, as much as the future of Malaysia is with Sabah.

If you ask me, I have always been a proud Sabahan yet feeling like a true Malaysian. So can you.


*End*

Being Sabahan, Feeling Malaysian (Part Two)

Posted: 15 Sep 2012 10:53 AM PDT


The federation of Malaysia was to be formed on 31 August 1963, which was the same date British would grant Sabah her independence. Despite great challenges, everything went according to the plan until the Philippines and Indonesia decided to throw a spanner into the works. 

At the eleventh hour, President Macapagal and President Soekarno demanded the United Nations to form a special team to ascertain the support or rejection thereof of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak in so far as the new federation was concerned. 

Tunku Abdul Rahman objected to the formation of the special team since the deadline for Malaysia Day was fast approaching. He also argued that the demand was redundant since British had earlier commissioned Lord Cobbold team to do the exact same thing. 

But by sheer twist of fate, Tunku Abdul Rahman and the leaders of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore relented to the request since they were adamant in proving the two Presidents wrong. Hence, the formation of Malaysia was delayed for two weeks to pave way for the United Nations team to report its findings.

Interestingly enough, the findings of the team reaffirmed the earlier conclusion by Lord Cobbold's Commission that majority of Sabahans agreed to be under Malaysia.

When the date 31st August 1963 came, British decided to proceed with earlier plans to give Sabah her independence, with an understanding that, in two week's time,  she would be forming Malaysia together with the states in Malaya, Singapore and Sarawak on the 16th September 1963.

Historians are of the view that Sabah independence was basically a paper declaration because the executive power to administer Sabah - even after 31st August 1963 - largely remained in the hands of the last British Governor, Sir William Goode. Sabah did not have her own Chief Minister and Head of State until the 16th September 1963 when Fuad and Mustapha were sworn in to fill the respective posts. 

For all intents and purposes, Sabah was still very much administered by the British in the span of two weeks between 31st August and 16th September 1963 even though Sabah was supposedly accorded self-government in that short nationhood of two weeks.

*Continue to part three in the next posting

Being Sabahan, feeling Malaysian (Part One)

Posted: 15 Sep 2012 09:53 AM PDT



Of all the paintings on the walls of my house, there is one that always steals my attention away. It is the historic image of 16 September 1963, captured in a quaint black and white style. It is the one where the nation's fathers of independence -- Tun Fuad Stephens, Tun Datu Mustapha Harun and Tun Abdul Razak Hussein -- stood together on a podium in downtown Kota Kinabalu to usher in the birth of a new nation called, Malaysia.

History was made that day when thousands of joyous Sabahans listened attentively as Tun Fuad Stephens (then known as 'Donald Stephens') held up a scroll and recited the Proclamation of Malaysia.

However, to infuse a dash of surrealism to the image, there is a colored superimposed image of a boy in hip-hop clothing, pulling a breakdance move next to where the founding fathers stood.

If you look closely, you can see the weary eyes of the three Tuns fixed on the boy. Their facial expressions locked in disbelief and trepidation that one day, the future generation of Malaysians – as represented by the boy's image – will not understand the significance of our independence.

That imaginary boy in the painting could very well be anyone of us today. Take for example the claim by certain people that Sabah is supposed to be one of four  (not just one of the fourteen states) in the federation of Malaysia. They claim that Sabah had been cheated out of this position for the last 49 years. It is a very serious allegation, one which questions the very need of our nation's existence.

Is this claim true? Let's find the truth by examining historical documents relevant to the formation of Malaysia. These included, among others,

  1. the 20-Points Document
  2. the Malaysian Solidarity and Consultative Committee Report
  3. the Cobbold Commission Report
  4. the Inter-Governmental Committee Report
  5. Hansard reports (on the Malaysia debate both in the Malayan and British Parliaments)
  6. the Malaysia Agreement 1963
  7. and Proclamation Malaysia document.

These documents together with Tunku Abdul Rahman's and Lee Kuan Yew's autobiographies give us a better perspective of the circumstances which led to the formation of Malaysia in the 1963. They narrate the state of affairs in South East Asia in the 50s and 60s, especially in terms of security and uncertain future that our leaders had to deal with at the time.

Firstly let's look at some excerpts of the documents and agreements. Judge for yourself if the argument that Sabah was meant to be one of four member states of the newly formed Malaysia Federation, holds any water.

Malaysia Agreement

Article I of the agreement crystalized Sabah status within Malaysia. It reads,

"The Colonies of North Borneo and Sarawak and the State of Singapore shall be federated with the existing States of the Federation of Malaya as the States of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore in accordance with the constitutional instruments annexed to this Agreement and the Federation shall thereafter be called "Malaysia".

Malaysia Agreement clearly states that Sabah was to be one of the fourteen states within Malaysia.

Proclamation of Malaysia

Similarly, the final paragraph of the Proclamation of Malaysia (which was read out by Donald Stephens on the morning of 16th of September 1963 in Kota Kinabalu) reads,

"... that Malaysia comprising the States of Pahang, Trengganu, Kedah, Johore, Negri Sembilan, Kelantan, Selangor, Perak, Perlis, Penang, Malacca, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak shall by the Grace of God, the Lord of the Universe, forever be an independent and sovereign democratic State founded upon liberty and justice."


The Inter-Governmental Committee Report

The Inter-Governmental Committee Report, partly set up to work out the constitutional arrangements of Malaysia, remains steadfast on Sabah being one of the 14 states of the Federation via point 10 of Chapter II (Establishment Of The Federation Of Malaysia)

"The Federation will consist of the States of the existing Federation of Malaya, Sabah (at present known as North Borneo), Sarawak and Singapore... The name of the Federation shall be Malaysia."


Malaysia Act 1963

In Section 4, Part II (The States of the Federation) it states

"…that the Federation shall be known, in Malay and English, by the name Malaysia. The States of the Federation shall be - (a) the states of Malaya, namely, Johore, Kedah, Kelantan, Malacca, Negri Sembilan, Pahang, Penang, Perak, Perlis, Selangor and Trengganu; and (b) the Borneo States, namely, Sabah and Sarawak; and (c) the State of Singapore."

The Malaysia Act 1963 is also unequivocal on this point.

As an MP from Sabah, I would glady and readily agree if Sabah was to be one out of four parts of Malaysia. Unfortunately, the documents above clearly stated otherwise. We cannot ignore those facts as they are part of history which were extensively argued and subsequently agreed upon, drafted and jointly signed by Sabah leaders of the time.

*Continue to Part Two in the next posting
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